The law is meant to prevent communications between sex offenders and minors, but it sweeps more broadly than any other such law in the country. It doesn’t even require the state to prove that the accused had contact with (or gathered information about) a minor, or intended to do so, or accessed a website for any other illicit purpose.
Accordingly, the state court of appeals overturned Packingham’s conviction, but the state supreme court, over vigorous dissent, reinstated the conviction and sentence. The U.S. Supreme Court has now had the final word, finding that the North Carolina law wasn’t “narrowly tailored to serve a significant governmental interest.”
Translating from the legalese, this means that the state legislature slapped down a broad law that didn’t closely track the social problem it was supposed to target. As the Supreme Court explained, citing Cato’s amicus brief, the law may well bar access not only to social media but to any site where someone creates a profile and interacts with people—including the likes of Amazon, YouTube, and WebMD, or even the Washington Post and New York Times.
But even restrictions on social media alone would be troubling if not further tailored, the Supreme Court announced. Indeed, Justice Anthony Kennedy’s opinion is an encomium to the importance of web-surfing: “By prohibiting sex offenders from using those websites, North Carolina with one broad stroke bars access to what for many are the principal sources for knowing current events, checking ads for employment, speaking and listening in the modern public square, and otherwise exploring the vast realms of human thought and knowledge.” (The next time my wife tells me that I’m spending too much time on Facebook and Twitter, I’ll reply that I’m simply enriching myself with the wealth of human knowledge.)
There are other problems with the statute, such as its vagueness. Someone subject to this law literally can’t know what he can’t do or say; the police themselves aren’t sure!
Finally, the statute also fails constitutional scrutiny because it criminalizes speech based on the identity of the speaker. As Kennedy put it, “[e]ven convicted criminals—and in some instances especially convicted criminals—might receive legitimate benefits from these means for access to the world of ideas, in particular if they seek to reform and to pursue lawful and rewarding lives.”
The very purpose of the First Amendment is to protect the speech of disfavored minorities. Signaling out this speech for prosecution—without any allegation that it relates to conduct or even motive—has earned the Tar Heel State a big “dislike” from the Supreme Court.